Sunday, December 13, 2009
Monday, December 7, 2009
JMI foundation day in UAE
JMI foundation day is scheduled on 10.12.09 at Ramada continental hotel, Deira Dubai at 7.30PM.
The event is organised by JMIOBA-UAE chapter.
All are requested to attend.
The event is organised by JMIOBA-UAE chapter.
All are requested to attend.
Monday, November 9, 2009
Which category are you from?
I do often think & now realized that there many categories of people who intend to do some work other than their usual routine.
Category-1: The people falls in this category are those who always think about & go for something with their heart & soul.
They dedicate themselves to work for others without any personal benefit.
Category-2: The people in this category are those inspired by category-1 & join them but during & at the end they always look for their own personal benefit.
Category-3: The people in this category always resist any thing initiated by category-1 & joined by category-2.
These people have an excellent energy in motivating likeminded people in their own way.
Category:4: The people in this category pose themselves in category-1, but they act like those in category-3, they wanted themselves to be elevated as category-2.
Category-5: these people don’t want to involve them on front & they either participate or isolate themselves without falling in any category.
I have come across with such types quite frequently in my profession as well as in personal & social life.While incorporating all above categories while doing work for jamiaets in this part, its very strange to find the percentage breakdown of all above categories below.
Category-1: less than 1%
Category-2: between 3-5%
Category-3: between 5-7%
Category-4: between 2-3%
Category-5: 85-90%
There are ample examples of people in each category, but as it seems the people fewer in percentage has more impact rather than the people in majority.
Since this blog is for jamiaets, therefore, i will be talking about the people around me from the same institution.
My friends ( so called) always alleged me of being more social & then trap in trouble!
There might be a problem that exists within me; however, it can be visa versa.
From one perspective everything i do is wrong, but from my perspective it is not!
Since i have categorized people therefore the percentage of people who agree with me can fall in category-5, which consist of majority, however, the people in remaining category are very crucial to be analyzed as they have greater influence on category-5 or within the other categories.
It becomes the personal perspective or approach how you are looking at some one.
In order to establish a platform, one need to be social.
Being a social, you cant decide the people to be social with immediately, it needs time to understand their behavior.
Once you understand behavior, then they can be categorized easily & by that time it might be too late to withdraw easily & one has to pay certain price to get out from the situation.
In the end, you might end up with few or none to be put in category-1, however, there will be plenty to fall under cat-1 to 4.
I had a past when i consider many in category-1, however, they were from cat-2 .
Slowly, the migration took place & people change their place & in no time they jump to cat-4, which according to me, cause more damage then any body else when even compare with cat-2.
So, what is the remedy?
don’t initiate anything?
don’t fall in category-1?
If that happens, then nothing can be done!
There fore one has to initiate to conclude something.
There are many, who pose judgmental straight away, however they are not in real sense.
Opposition, resistance, betrayal are coexist with initiation of any public or social platform & much more.
It is we who decide ourselves to be part of something or not!
It is we who put ourselves in specific categories according to our strength & weaknesses.
It is we who wants to be a winner all the times without having a clear understanding or merit & demerits of the category we have chosen.
It is we, who wants to be a winner always from category-1, despite of our actions relates to some other category!
Most of the time people are cautious about their image which never exists....
They always look at others, what they do, what they think instead of an ability to analyze what is right & what is wrong!
My past 15 years in Dubai has given me so much strength while working for jamiaets to take blame spread by those in minority, less courageous, selfish & cowards to stand firm with truth & for those who really need me.
Every human being make mistakes so do I,
One of my friend called me up & says, Zubair, quit please.
I asked why?
he said there is so much shit thrown on you, that even i feel pain.
I asked him, why should i give up? Because there is some one hiding behind some thing, not disclosing him self & trying to taint my image?
Just because, he is coward, why should i give up?
Will you?
He said yes!
& he gave up.
I told him, no matter what happens, i will never, because this is not the first time & this will not the last time that someone comes who belongs to cat-4 start spreading nonsense with a purpose that zubair will give up...it will never happen (inshah ALLAH)
There are times when you look around & found no strong hand for your help....it gives pain.
But, when you look back at the trail of work you have done, analyze your intentions & look up..the help always arrive from ALLAH.
When Allah is with you, then you don’t need any body.
I still remember the stage at the occasion of first official gathering of jamiaets in Dubai in 1999...when i read a sher.
Gale laga lo har insaan ko, ki woh apna he
chalo tau rahguzaroN meiN baant-te hue pyar.
I have given love to all as a friend & as brother....but, i can’t change the human nature, as they were free to choose their own category.
I tried to extend myself for those who need my assistance in their hour of need & tried to do whatever within my control with the help of ALLAH with no intention to get direct praise of benefit from them
Indeed....I also get what every human being gets after doing some good work BLAME, ACCUSATIONS, ABUSE etc etc.
It doesn’t mean that i can digest all above all the times.......
But, after a lot of experience, i understand to control myself a bit.
Ultimately another things pops up, which is none other than EGO!
The word EGO has big meaning & enormous impact on human life & i think it can be discussed separately.
Despite of my first sher, which indeed my philosophy to start with any thing, there are few more that comes on the way step by step.
The second one state when you dream & want to proceed....
Rah ki Thokar bani thi apne hi dil ki jhijhak
jab qadam aage badhaya saaf rasta mil gaya.
The third one.....always enlighten my perceptions to go for any endeavor.
Toofan kar raha tha mere azm ka tawaf
duniya samajh rahi thi ke kishti bhanwar meiN he
The fourth one is again interesting which symbolize for strength, intelligence & to some extent "tolerance"
faqat yeh badha hua daste dosti hi nahi
humeiN qubool he woh bhi jo aasteen meiN he.
In order to part of any category, one has to make a choice,
This is the choice followed by your work that made you to the part of any category but the question remains same.
Its very easy to be part of category-5
Its very difficult to be the part of category-1
I remember the saying of late PM of India Ms.Indira gandhi.
“My grandfather once told me that there are two kinds of people: those who work and those who take the credit. He told me to try to be in the first group; there was less competition there.”
I do agree with that & therefore i have written my observations.
I hope people will read it & try to figure out which category they are from?
Thursday, March 12, 2009
Land of My Dreams
Land of My Dreams
Islamic liberalism under fire in India Martha C. Nussbaum
As it became clear that Pakistani Muslims perpetrated the horrendous terrorist attacks in Mumbai last November, many feared a wave of violence against
That violence, like the violence of Hindu–right mobs against Christians in the eastern state of Orissa in 2008, surely deserves the name of “terrorism.” Yet, in
This assault did not materialize—largely because
It was not the first time
First, the values we associate with classical liberalism—such as the defense of the freedom of speech, the freedom of conscience, and procedural due process—are not exclusively Western values. During the independence movement in
Second, these values are not tepid and centrist, as we sometimes hear, but rather, truly radical in a world of nations increasingly under pressure both from external violence and from internal quasi–fascist forces.
And finally, Hasan’s story shows that there is a distinctive and genuinely Islamic form of liberalism, long–lived and drawing inspiration from religious texts and their central concepts.
Hasan was born on August 15, 1949, exactly two years after the cohort of “midnight’s children” whose birth coincided with that of modern
Then, as now, Muslims were respected as equal citizens by the nation’s laws and by some of its citizens, those who followed the lead of Gandhi and Nehru. But Muslims still encountered ubiquitous suspicion and discrimination, and, despite his middle–class upbringing, Hasan was no exception. He once recalled to me how he and his brother were refused when they tried to rent a flat in
Hasan received a Ph.D. in history from
Hasan addressed the student body, telling them that “the answer to this is to be more secular, to be more liberal in your outlook, to be more enlightened in your perspective.”
In spite of its name, Jamia has never been a Muslim university. Its location, in a predominantly Muslim residential area, and its historical association with secular liberal Muslims who took leading roles in the independence struggle have made it, over the years, an appealing place for Muslim students, but there has never been preferential admission for Muslims—the admissions form does not even ask the religion of the applicant—and the guiding values of the institution are firmly secular and pluralistic. Today about 60 percent of Jamia Millia Islamia’s students and 75 percent of its faculty are Muslim, but inclusiveness is the watchword (as it often is not in Hindu–majority institutions, where both Muslim and lower–caste students routinely suffer stigmatization and harassment).
Rumki Basu, a Hindu woman from West Bengal who currently chairs the university’s distinguished Political Science department, explained to me that she never encountered any discrimination or disparagement—even though, right after she got there, she proposed a radical revision of time–honored syllabi, the sort of thing that usually drives at least some colleagues crazy. At Jamia, however, department discussions were always democratic, respectful, and cordial. (“No,” she says, “I am not making this up.”) “Jamia,” she concludes, “has busted a lot of unfair stereotypes and myths others hold about Muslims in modern
In October 1988 Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verses was banned in
Eventually he returned to the university, and the values for which he stood—always the institution’s dominant values—began to prevail even among its more radical students. Hasan dropped the criminal complaints against the ones who assaulted him (justice moves slowly in India, so by the time Hasan returned to Jamia, they were long since graduates with jobs and families to support), and his mercy made him a popular figure among students of all types. When the Congress Party took over in 2004, the President of the
In September 2008 police investigating a bomb blast in
But the political charge in the air ensured that this time would be different. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political wing of the Hindu right, decided to make an issue of the legal support. Accusing Hasan of misusing public money (Jamia, like all Central Universities in
“What do you want us to do?” Hasan asked, “Stand on a terrace and announce that we are liberal Muslims and that we want to proclaim our loyalty to the nation?”
Meanwhile, Hasan addressed the student body, telling them that “the answer to this is to be more secular, to be more liberal in your outlook, to be more enlightened in your perspective.” He then led a peace march on the campus, a march so silent, so nonviolent and orderly, that even the press could find no incident of bad behavior to sensationalize. The national media have been decidedly unenthusiastic about Hasan’s defense of procedural due process and constitutional norms; they suggest, repeatedly, that he is part of some sinister Muslim cabal. (An honorable exception is The Hindu,
Hasan’s fight for basic principles has been won for now, but he still faces a fight in the court of public opinion for the reputation of his university and the honor of its students and teachers. Stereotypes of the violent Muslim are so prevalent in India—as elsewhere in the world—that it is virtually impossible for Muslim liberals to be taken at their word when they say that they believe in free speech, pluralism, nonviolent persuasion, the rule of law, and the right of each person to a fair trial. ’Oh yes, a screen for darker motives,’ is the typical response, pervasive on Hindu blogs and common even in the mainstream press. You say you are a liberal, and that proves you are a radical Islamist.
Meanwhile, hooligans of the Bajrang Dal, a youth movement associated with the Hindu right, have been on a rampage in Orissa, murdering Christians who refuse to reconvert to Hinduism, but the media never refer to this carnage as “terrorism.” Nor did they use the term “terrorism” for the
You probably don’t hear those voices because you don’t want to hear those voices. The media doesn’t represent those voices because the media is only interested in strident voices. They are not interested in the sane, liberal, rational voices. . . . What do you want us to do? Stand on a terrace and announce that we are liberal Muslims and that we want to proclaim our loyalty to the nation?
Hasan is a remarkable person, but his convictions are hardly sui generis. They are deeply rooted in Jamia Millia Islamia’s history: a home–grown, tolerant, liberal pluralism has defined the institution from its anti–colonial inception.
The university was born in internal struggles at
The campus soon split into two camps. The old guard, backed by the British, drove out the young radicals in 1920. Sir George Campbell, the district magistrate, confronted Mohammed Ali, one of the radical leaders, saying, “You want to bring up these students as disobedient boys.” Ali responded by reciting a verse of the eighteenth–century Urdu poet Mir Taqi Mir that neatly epitomized the behavior of the Raj at this period (though tactfully omitting its heinous acts of violence):
To taunt and sneer and wound and speak unkindly,
She has all these accomplishments, my friend;
Friendship and love and graciousness and kindness
Are things she could never comprehend.
Jamia Millia Islamia was opened the following year. After a short time in
Jamia was born radical. Its curriculum emphasized the study of nationalism as well as the study of Islamic history and the Qu’ran; its admissions policy welcomed male and female, Hindu and Muslim; its pedagogy emphasized debate and contestation in the teaching of all subjects, including religion, denouncing the mere “passive awareness of dead facts.” The school had strong links with theorists of progressive education such as Bertrand Russell and Rabindranath Tagore and thus gave substantial weight to the arts and vocational education. This philosophy was applied early, since the university included a residential primary school, where “learning by doing” was the progressive norm. One founder summarized: “We believe that formal instruction should serve as a support for the exercise of initiative, that the child’s mind should be active and responsive, not passive, that the body should be made efficient along with the mind.”
Older students, meanwhile, learned that the national ideal of independence from colonial domination could also become a personal ideal, as Ali stressed:
Jamia’s objective is that Muslims should [not] follow blindly the previous ‘fixed’ path . . . the Jamia has instilled hatred in the heart of every student—be he a Muslim or a Hindu—against subjugation by foreign powers. It has kept its air free of transgression and prejudice. For these reasons, the Jamia is both Jamia Millia Islamia and a national university.
The Jamians insisted that identity politics, with its preference for insiders, was foreign to Islam’s ideal universal brotherhood.
Jamia was coeducational from the start, but initially the number of female students was small. By 1930, however, the arrival of distinguished female faculty prepared the way for full integration. A later Vice–Chancellor wrote of the way in which the university has helped women “not only break into the spaces which are male preserves, but also . . . fight back against male tyranny and violence.” Today, women compose about 25 percent of undergraduates, but more than 50 percent of those at the master’s degree stage.
Meanwhile, the institution’s progressive educational vision led to a stream of visitors from abroad. A distinguished British observer spoke of Jamia as having “an international breadth of vision” that most Britain–oriented Indian universities lacked. Jamia’s degrees were not recognized by the British, but they were recognized in
Teachers at Jamia report a glut of detentions and arrests of students. Politicians, the media, and the police try to paint a picture of the university as a hotbed of terrorism.
Jamia’s early years were marked by recurrent financial crises. To keep the young institution afloat, a group of distinguished scholars pledged to serve Jamia for twenty years, taking only a token salary. Chief among them was Zakir Hussain, an economist trained in
Islam enjoins upon us tolerance towards others’ religions. It doesn’t say that other religions are false. He alone who does good to others is a true man. This is the principle of the [Qu’ran] as also the teaching of other religions. The students of the Jamia, I hope, will spread the message of unity and freedom throughout the country.
The teachers and students of Jamia were passionate about these ideas, as Gandhi acknowledged, saying, “When I come to the Jamia, I feel I have come home.” Again and again, the faculty wrote about the sort of nationalism they intended to foster: not “the jingo nationalism of the German or Italian type,” but “nationalism as a step to internationalism,” “nationalism of a liberal type.”
After Independence Jamia remained a favorite of the national leadership, Nehru in particular. In a letter of 1952 to Zakir Hussain, Nehru characterized Jamia as a pet project of Gandhi’s that he was committed to nurturing. He added a gloomy coda:
Whatever I can do for Jamia, I shall endeavour to do. The world seems a very dark, dismal and dreary place, full of people with wrong urges or no urge at all, living their lives trivially and without any significance. All the more, therefore, we seek the few sanctuaries and causes and try to derive sustenance from them.
And yet Jamia’s financial woes continued. Although some of its degree programs were recognized in 1945, and it achieved nationally recognized university status in 1962, it was only in 1988 that the university was recognized as a
When Hasan arrived at Jamia, it had a glorious past, but faced many contemporary challenges. Even after it began to receive funds from the central government, it had a hard time becoming the sort of first–rank, cutting–edge university that could compete successfully for students and faculty against
Apart from his massive fundraising efforts, for which he has a gift, Hasan has insistently emphasized the institution’s pluralistic, secular character, making it clear to faculty and students from all regions and religions that it can be a very good place to be. One of his successes has been to put Jamia on the map as a dream university for students from some of
In regard to curriculum, Hasan has strengethened specific areas in which Jamia can compete with the best: thus, a renowned Academy for Third–World Studies (founded in 1988, but bolstered under Hasan’s leadership); an unparalleled human rights program; and both core and optional courses in public administration, social work, education management, and journalism that are not available in any other university in Delhi. Finally, as Basu emphasizes, Hasan has pushed for an educational climate of tolerance, debate, and difference that few Indian universities, where students raised on rote learning all too often find more of the same, can match.
Hasan’s own scholarship has often focused on Jawaharlal Nehru and his accomplishments, so it is not surprising that he sought, for Jamia, the Centre for Jawaharlal Nehru Studies, the first institution of its kind in the country. The Centre opened in October 2004 (shortly after the electoral defeat of the Hindu right and the victory of Congress), with Sonia Gandhi, Congress Party chair, in attendance. In his dedicatory speech, Hasan said that Nehru’s legacy is more important in
But Hasan also understands, as did Gandhi, that liberal values and nonviolence need to be alluring, not just morally right. Unlike Gandhi, however, Hasan is thoroughly secular, a bon vivant who has a great interest in Urdu poetry and literature. The home he shares with his wife, Zoya, a leading political scientist at JNU and a member of the National Commission for Minorities, is full of beautiful art. And both, as hosts, exemplify Mir’s notion of “graciousness and kindness.” Closer, then, to his hero Nehru, who, despite the bleak tone of many of his letters, was famous for wit and zest at dinner parties.
Hasan, in short, exudes the kind of joyfulness and playfulness that make peple feel that moral principles are not only a duty, but a delight. That is a gift, unfortunately lacking in most of the giants of the Western Enlightenment, though Martin Luther King, Jr., surely had it. Liberal politics is based on respect for the person, but if it does not have something else as well, something more akin to love, it will not capture the hearts of people who long for meaning.
In May a national election may bring to power a coalition government in which the Hindu–nationalist BJP will play a leading role. If that happens the BJP will no doubt continue their current agenda: attacking moderate Islam, trying to convert what exists at Jamia into the bogeyman of their rhetoric. Only determined public pressure can save the day, ensuring that someone who shares Hasan’s commitments, if not he himself (since his term ends this summer), is at the helm during a crucial period of growth and transition for the university.
The story of nonreligious terrorism (for example, the Tamil Tigers) is underreported, and Hindu terrorism against both Muslims and Christians has yet to appear on the American radar screen.
Other needs are even more pressing in the short term. The National Human Rights Commission has notified the
Meanwhile, teachers at Jamia report a glut of detentions and arrests of students. Politicians, the media, and the police try to paint a picture of the university as a hotbed of terrorism, and large numbers of students in off–campus housing have been asked to vacate their flats by landlords who fear police reprisals. Police presence all around the campus is distressing, disrupting the climate of instruction. The unfairness of disturbing an entire university of 14,000 students over the alleged actions of two of its members is obvious, but hardly anyone is complaining about it, apart from the teachers and students themselves.
Perhaps the most alarming aspect of the Jamia case is the atmosphere surrounding those who provide legal counsel to people accused of terrorism. One after another, bar associations in different parts of the country are announcing boycotts of terror suspects. In Madhya Pradesh, two suspects were forced to hire counsel from a different state after all local lawyers refused them. A leading state BJP official supported the boycott, saying that “a distinction must be made between criminals and terrorists.” So much for the presumption of innocence. In Uttar Pradesh, lawyers have been faced with threats to their safety if they take on terror cases. Legal and social activists believe that the Hindu right has profoundly infiltrated the mechanisms of criminal justice making it very difficult for Muslims to get a fair trial. Often, moreover, Muslims remain in detention without trial for years. Muslims constitute 18 percent of convicts in Indian prisons, 21.8 percent of those whose cases are currently being tried, and 37.2 percent of those in detention awaiting either trial or specific charges.
When the legal system works this badly, essential constitutional rights become mere words on paper. Moreover, the rhetoric of the Hindu right, which constantly equates arrest with conviction, suggests at best a tenuous commitment to the rule of law. The contention that offering legal aid means being “soft on terrorism”—a ubiquitous charge against Hasan, despite his repeated condemnations of terrorism in any form—is a communitarian idea that betrays impatience with the very idea of due process. When lots of people in a democracy think this way, there is danger. In
Hasan’s ordeal leaves us with four conclusions.
First, we should mistrust stereotypes of the violent Muslim. Current preconceptions, combined with media sensationalism, lead to selective reporting (in
A whole auditorium can be filled up with books on Islam and violence but what about Islam and nonviolence? What about Gaffar Khan [a Muslim associate of Gandhi’s, who developed a philosophy of nonviolence using Islamic sources]? Does he not exist or is he of no consequence because he does not fit the stereotype that some people wish to create and perpetuate about an entire community?
For this reason, one of Hasan’s current priorities is the creation on Jamia’s campus of a museum of the nationalist struggle, devoted to the history elided at other museums: the prominent role played by Muslims in the nationalist movement. While we wait for the museum to be built, the book Partners in Freedom, which Hasan co–authored with Rakhshanda Jalil, tells the story in both text and photographs.
Second, the stereotyping of Muslims as violent, when combined with economic and political discrimination, engenders among Muslims a justified anger that can all too easily spill over into unjustified violence. Gandhi knew well that the rage of his followers against the British had legitimate roots, yet he was able to convince people that the best response to oppression was nonviolent protest.
Mushirul Hasan follows Gandhi’s program. In fact, I am tempted to say, somewhat hyperbolically, that virtually the only place in today’s
Therefore, while working to promote nonviolence, one must also work to eradicate political and economic conditions that nourish the desire for violence. Noting the economic discrimination suffered by India’s Muslims (the lack of basic social services, such as clean water, in the poor residential areas surrounding Jamia is one ugly example)—now compounded by widespread political discrimination in the form of round–ups on suspicion of terrorism (India’s analogue to the odious American tradition of racial profiling) and, more worrying, threats against lawyers who defend people accused of terrorism—Hasan says to that same skeptical reporter: “The fact that they are still liberals in this sort of situation—caught between the devil and the deep sea—you should give them a Padma award.” (The Padma Shri award is given by the Indian government each year to people who have performed some meritorious service to the nation. Hasan was awarded the Padma Shri in 2007.)
The third conclusion to be drawn from these events is the Gandhian one: the importance of the nonviolent response. Speaking about Muslim communities more generally, Hasan insists that the solution to Muslims’ problems lies in nonviolence and a grass–roots demand for democracy:
The stranglehold of the orthodoxy, especially in its political and religious form, has to be loosened and slackened. The answer lies in more and more Muslim communities moving towards democracy. There is no short cut to democracy. . . . There is no place for pharaohs in the modern world.
Hasan thus joins such anti–theocratic Muslims as Akbar Ganji of
The final, and perhaps most important, lesson is that, following Gandhi, we must all rethink our understandings of strength and weakness, courage and timidity. Real strength, in an individual, is not manifested by bashing people over the head. Who does that? Only someone who feels threatened and weak. Real strength is manifested by the ability to show respect to others, to treat them as equals, and not to try to impose one’s will by force. Real strength in a community or a nation, similarly, is manifested not by a willingness to dispose of liberal values whenever violence seems easier or more fun, but by a commitment to them that does not bend when the going gets tough. That is radical. And if being radical means going “to the root” of the matter, it is the liberal, who subdues the violence and greed of the self, who is the true radical, while left and right communitarians casually allow the banal and constant desire for domination to carry the day.
In a world where so many anthems call for blood and equate manliness with abuse, here is what Jamia’s founders wrote for its students to sing as the official anthem of the university:
Here conscience alone is the beacon, . . .
It’s the
Travelling is the credo here, pausing a sacrilege, . . .
Cleaving against currents is the creed here,
The pleasure of arrival lies in countering crosscurrents.
This is the home of my yearnings,
This is the land of my dreams.
A radical song indeed.
Link: http://bostonreview.net/BR34.2/nussbaum.php
Sunday, January 25, 2009
JMIAA Riyadh Launches Website
Press Release: JMIAA (Riyadh) Launches web site.
JMIAA Riyadh Launches Website
A well-known Indian entrepreneur Mr. Nadeem Tarin, founder of many educational institutions, including the Delhi Public School Riyadh, officially inaugurated the official website of Jamia Millia Islamia Alumni Association, Riyadh Chapter.
The website was launched during the proceedings of the first JMIAA annual function held in
The JMIAA website is interactive in nature and has links to different websites related to JMIAA. Members can log on and upload their views on the website. All activities related JMIAA will be documented on the website. As a first step JMIAA Annual Report can has been made available on the website.
JMIAA President Mr.Khursheed Anwar has been actively involved in the development of the website, in view of its role as powerful tool of communication between Jamiaites across the globe.
Speaking on the occasion of JMIAA annual function, the chief guest Mr. Nadeem Tarin, extolled the efforts of Jamia Alumni in
Saturday, January 3, 2009
Save minority Status of Jamia Millia Islamia
Save Minority Status of Jamia Millia Islamia
JAMIA IS LOOSING ITS “HISTORICAL CHARACTER” PUT HANDS TO GETHER TO SAVE JAMIA MILLIA ISLAMIA FROM THE ILLEGAL DESIGN OF OPPORTUNISTIC INDIVIDUALS WHO ARE TRYING TO IMPLEMENT THEIR HIDDEN AGENDA.
WE ARE LOOSING TIME. COME TOGETHER AND JOIN HANDS FAST SO THAT WE FIGHT AND SAVE THE “MINORITY STATUS” OF JAMIA MILLIA ISLAMIA AND ALSO THE EDUCATIONAL RIGHTS OF UNDER PREVILEGED MUSLIM MINORITY.
1. The 11 Judge Bench of the Hon’ble Supreme Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation Case has held with great emphasis that:
“Article 30 is a special right conferred on the religious and linguistic minority because of their numerical handicap and to instill in them a sense of security and confidence …..”
2. Jamia Millia Islamia is a minority institution under Article 30 (1) of the constitution of India. The members of the Muslim minority community established this institution in 1920 during the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movement in response to Gandhiji’s call for boycott of all government sponsored educational institutions.
3.The stand of Jamia to the effect that Jamia Millia Islami is a minority institution under article 30(1) of the constitution is an undisputed fact. When the issue of admission policy came before the Hon’ble court of Delhi in Aftab Alam Saklaini’s case (LPA No. 132/1997) and Sajid Ahmed’s case (WP9C) 10526/05), the Jamia has taken a clear stand that it has been a minority institution since its inception right from 1920.
4.The objectives behind the establishment of Jamia Millia Islamia as mentioned in the memorandum of association of Jamia Millia Islamia Society, Delhi as registered in 1939 under the Societies Registration Act, 1860 clearly states as follows:
“To promote and provide for the religious and secular education of Indians, particularly Muslims, in the Jamia Millia Islamia in conformity with sound principles of education and in consonance with the needs of national life and to that end to establish and maintain suitable institutions within Jamia campus and to set up and organize educational extension centres in the Union Territory of Delhi from time to time.”
5. Jamia Millia Islamia was declared a Deemed University in 1962. After grant of status of deemed university the character of Jamia Millia Islamia was not changed. In 1988 it was granted the status of a central university by an act of parliament known as Jamia Millia Islamia Act 1988 [(58 of 1988)]. By the said act Jamia Millia Islamia society {property of Muslim Community} was dissolved and all the properties, rights, powers & privileges of the said society were transferred and vested in the university as contemplated in section 4(i) of the Act.
6.The Majlis-e-Muntazimah (Executive Council) of the Jamia Millia Islamia in its meeting held on 09.05.97 adopted the resolution regarding the minority status of Jamia. The relevant portion of the said resolution reads as: “The Jamia Millia Islamia embodies the liberal and the secular spirit of our constitution. At the same time this institution reflects the educational and intellectual aspirations of Indian Muslims. For this reason it is important that the Jamia Millia Islamia be declared as a minority institution so that its historic character is intact.”
7. The National Commission for Minorities (NCM) also recommended vide its statutory recommendation No. NCM/SR/97/26 dated 06.05.97 to the Ministry of Human Resource Development that “a proper amendment to the JMI Act,1988 may be made to ensure ‘Minority Character’ of the institution.
8. on 01.08.97 the issue of minority status of this university was raised in the Rajya Sabha, the government replied that: ---- “As the question relating to grant of minority status to educational institutions, including universities, are currently sub-judice before an 11- Judge Bench of Hon’ble Supreme Court, a decision on these issues by the government could not be possible at this stage.”
9. The TMA Pai case has been decided by the 11judge bench of the Hon’ble Supreme Court in 2002 with the observation that: ---- “A minority institution dopes not cease to be so, the moment grant in aid is received by the institution. An aided minority educational institution, therefore, would be entitled to have the right of admission of students belonging to the minority group and at the same time, would be required to admit reasonable extent of non minority students….”
10. The ministry of HRD issued directive D.O. No. F -612006 – Desk (U) dated 03.04.02 to the Jamia Millia Islamia to take appropriate steps to admit students from Muslim minority community at least to the extent of 50%. This directive of the government has neither being brought into effect nor was brought before the academic and Executive councils of Jamia.
11.The Jamia Teachers’ Association (JTA), Jamia Old Boys Association and Jamia Students’ Union have filed separate petitions in 2006 before the National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions for declaration / issuance of certificate regarding minority status of Jamia Millia Islamia and for direction to the Jamia authorities to reserve at least 50% seats for the students belonging to underprivileged Muslim minority community in each course.
12.In response to the above petitions before the NCMEI the government filed reply vide its letter dated 04.10.2006 stating that: ----“A similar matter regarding the minority character of an other central university, namely, Aligarh Muslim University, is sub-judice in the Hon’ble supreme court, where the interpretation of the term “establishing” a university as was laid down in the “Azeez Basha” matter is under challenge. The orders of the Hon’ble supreme court in that matter may have a bearing on the issues at hand in the present case of JMI.
13.The Sachchar Committee report is an eye-opener. There is hardly any representation of the Muslim community especially in the field of technical and professional education. It has been recommended that it is high time to offer succour to the Muslim minority community so that they may join the mainstream.
14.Prof. Musheerul Hasan, the present VC is deliberately and intentionally trying to defeat the claim of Muslim minority by depriving the educational rights of students belonging to insecure and underprivileged Muslim minority community in JMI, knowing fully well that implementation of the Central educational institutions (reservation in Admission) Act, 2006” means forfeiture of minority status” of Jamia Millia Islamia and also forfeiture of minority rights of insecure and underprivileged Muslim students. He has written to the government that reservation policy in admission of the students mentioned in the Act, 2066 could be implemented in Jamia Millia Islami.
15.Section 4© of “the Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Act, 2006” clearly states that the reservation mentioned in this Act shall not apply to a minority educational institution as defined in the said act under section 2(f), which is: -----“Minority Educational Institutions” means an institution established and administered by minorities under clause (1) of the Article 30 of the constitution of India & so declared by an Act of parliament or by the central government or declared as a minority educational institution under “the National Commission for Minorities Educational Institutions Act 2004”.
We (JTA/JMIOBA/JMISU) appeal to all concerned and well-wishers of Jamia Millia Islamia to pursue the matter with the government and the Jamia authorities
to reserve at least 50% seats for students belonging to Muslim Minority community in all courses and not to implement “the Central Educational Instituion (Reservation in Admission) Act, 2006 in Jamia Millia Islamia, as the said act is not applicable on minority educational institutions.
JAMIA IS LOOSING ITS “HISTORICAL CHARACTER” PUT HANDS TO GETHER TO SAVE JAMIA MILLIA ISLAMIA FROM THE ILLEGAL DESIGN OF OPPORTUNISTIC INDIVIDUALS WHO ARE TRYING TO IMPLEMENT THEIR HIDDEN AGENDA.
WE ARE LOOSING TIME. COME TOGETHER AND JOIN HANDS FAST SO THAT WE FIGHT AND SAVE THE “MINORITY STATUS” OF JAMIA MILLIA ISLAMIA AND ALSO THE EDUCATIONAL RIGHTS OF UNDER PREVILEGED MUSLIM MINORITY.
1. The 11 Judge Bench of the Hon’ble Supreme Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation Case has held with great emphasis that:
“Article 30 is a special right conferred on the religious and linguistic minority because of their numerical handicap and to instill in them a sense of security and confidence …..”
2. Jamia Millia Islamia is a minority institution under Article 30 (1) of the constitution of India. The members of the Muslim minority community established this institution in 1920 during the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movement in response to Gandhiji’s call for boycott of all government sponsored educational institutions.
3.The stand of Jamia to the effect that Jamia Millia Islami is a minority institution under article 30(1) of the constitution is an undisputed fact. When the issue of admission policy came before the Hon’ble court of Delhi in Aftab Alam Saklaini’s case (LPA No. 132/1997) and Sajid Ahmed’s case (WP9C) 10526/05), the Jamia has taken a clear stand that it has been a minority institution since its inception right from 1920.
4.The objectives behind the establishment of Jamia Millia Islamia as mentioned in the memorandum of association of Jamia Millia Islamia Society, Delhi as registered in 1939 under the Societies Registration Act, 1860 clearly states as follows:
“To promote and provide for the religious and secular education of Indians, particularly Muslims, in the Jamia Millia Islamia in conformity with sound principles of education and in consonance with the needs of national life and to that end to establish and maintain suitable institutions within Jamia campus and to set up and organize educational extension centres in the Union Territory of Delhi from time to time.”
5. Jamia Millia Islamia was declared a Deemed University in 1962. After grant of status of deemed university the character of Jamia Millia Islamia was not changed. In 1988 it was granted the status of a central university by an act of parliament known as Jamia Millia Islamia Act 1988 [(58 of 1988)]. By the said act Jamia Millia Islamia society {property of Muslim Community} was dissolved and all the properties, rights, powers & privileges of the said society were transferred and vested in the university as contemplated in section 4(i) of the Act.
6.The Majlis-e-Muntazimah (Executive Council) of the Jamia Millia Islamia in its meeting held on 09.05.97 adopted the resolution regarding the minority status of Jamia. The relevant portion of the said resolution reads as: “The Jamia Millia Islamia embodies the liberal and the secular spirit of our constitution. At the same time this institution reflects the educational and intellectual aspirations of Indian Muslims. For this reason it is important that the Jamia Millia Islamia be declared as a minority institution so that its historic character is intact.”
7. The National Commission for Minorities (NCM) also recommended vide its statutory recommendation No. NCM/SR/97/26 dated 06.05.97 to the Ministry of Human Resource Development that “a proper amendment to the JMI Act,1988 may be made to ensure ‘Minority Character’ of the institution.
8. on 01.08.97 the issue of minority status of this university was raised in the Rajya Sabha, the government replied that: ---- “As the question relating to grant of minority status to educational institutions, including universities, are currently sub-judice before an 11- Judge Bench of Hon’ble Supreme Court, a decision on these issues by the government could not be possible at this stage.”
9. The TMA Pai case has been decided by the 11judge bench of the Hon’ble Supreme Court in 2002 with the observation that: ---- “A minority institution dopes not cease to be so, the moment grant in aid is received by the institution. An aided minority educational institution, therefore, would be entitled to have the right of admission of students belonging to the minority group and at the same time, would be required to admit reasonable extent of non minority students….”
10. The ministry of HRD issued directive D.O. No. F -612006 – Desk (U) dated 03.04.02 to the Jamia Millia Islamia to take appropriate steps to admit students from Muslim minority community at least to the extent of 50%. This directive of the government has neither being brought into effect nor was brought before the academic and Executive councils of Jamia.
11.The Jamia Teachers’ Association (JTA), Jamia Old Boys Association and Jamia Students’ Union have filed separate petitions in 2006 before the National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions for declaration / issuance of certificate regarding minority status of Jamia Millia Islamia and for direction to the Jamia authorities to reserve at least 50% seats for the students belonging to underprivileged Muslim minority community in each course.
12.In response to the above petitions before the NCMEI the government filed reply vide its letter dated 04.10.2006 stating that: ----“A similar matter regarding the minority character of an other central university, namely, Aligarh Muslim University, is sub-judice in the Hon’ble supreme court, where the interpretation of the term “establishing” a university as was laid down in the “Azeez Basha” matter is under challenge. The orders of the Hon’ble supreme court in that matter may have a bearing on the issues at hand in the present case of JMI.
13.The Sachchar Committee report is an eye-opener. There is hardly any representation of the Muslim community especially in the field of technical and professional education. It has been recommended that it is high time to offer succour to the Muslim minority community so that they may join the mainstream.
14.Prof. Musheerul Hasan, the present VC is deliberately and intentionally trying to defeat the claim of Muslim minority by depriving the educational rights of students belonging to insecure and underprivileged Muslim minority community in JMI, knowing fully well that implementation of the Central educational institutions (reservation in Admission) Act, 2006” means forfeiture of minority status” of Jamia Millia Islamia and also forfeiture of minority rights of insecure and underprivileged Muslim students. He has written to the government that reservation policy in admission of the students mentioned in the Act, 2066 could be implemented in Jamia Millia Islami.
15.Section 4© of “the Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Act, 2006” clearly states that the reservation mentioned in this Act shall not apply to a minority educational institution as defined in the said act under section 2(f), which is: -----“Minority Educational Institutions” means an institution established and administered by minorities under clause (1) of the Article 30 of the constitution of India & so declared by an Act of parliament or by the central government or declared as a minority educational institution under “the National Commission for Minorities Educational Institutions Act 2004”.
We (JTA/JMIOBA/JMISU) appeal to all concerned and well-wishers of Jamia Millia Islamia to pursue the matter with the government and the Jamia authorities
to reserve at least 50% seats for students belonging to Muslim Minority community in all courses and not to implement “the Central Educational Instituion (Reservation in Admission) Act, 2006 in Jamia Millia Islamia, as the said act is not applicable on minority educational institutions.
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